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By Park J.C.

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That the sentence (63) (a) has four readings is predicted by the hypothesis, since the following sentences are grammatical. (66) (a) Two professors who interviewed, and who liked, every student wrote a letter. (b) Two professors who interviewed every student, and most teaching assistants who knew every student, wrote a letter. That the sentence (63) (b) has only two readings, or that it does not allow alternating readings for two professors and every student, is also predicted by the hypothesis, since the following sentence is ungrammatical and thus the b fragment is not a c-constituent.

Crucially, samples seen by representatives of di erent companies were not necessarily the same. We claim that this is not what the sentence says. 11 The reason for dismissing the reading is due to the surface structure `NP1 of NP2 verbtv NP3', and not so much to the lexical semantics of the The present observation is not entirely new. For example, Fodor (1982) points out that the sentence \Each diplomat spoke to a representative of an East European country" lacks a reading with scope relation some representative > each diplomat > some country due to the kind of functionality that each diplomat requires of the NP denotation under its scope.

B) *A picture of everyonei upset himi . In particular, the NP every western city in (a) does not appear to allow a referential interpretation, unlike sentences (21) (a) and (b). Williams pointed out, on the other hand, that a similar sentence (b) is unacceptable. First of all, it appears that the sentence (b) is unacceptable due to the strong referential interpretation of a picture, unlike some picture. This interpretation blocks the reading in which each person is in a di erent picture, making the binding structure of the sentence (b) unacceptable.

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A lexical theory of quantification in ambiguous query interpretation by Park J.C.

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